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Marvelous pornographic stars Abigail Mac and Samantha Saint in exotic girl-on-girl, hd jerking on neighbours panty pinch. As co-operation with the Central Powers grew in importance, the Union for the Liberation of Ukraine attempted to promote Ukraine as a European country. The Catholic tradition, in particular the Union of Brest, served as proof that Ukraine was part of the West. During the nineteenth century the union gained in importance foremost as an issue for Polish historians exploring the reasons for the partitions of the Commonwealth.

They regarded the church union as a political event within the Polish state that either concerned internal power relations between the king, the nobility, and the clergy, or addressed geopolitical issues between the Commonwealth and its neighbours. They also often treated the union as a purely religious issue that affected hierarchical relations between the Catholic and Orthodox Churches but had no impact on the Polish nation. It was Ruthenian historians in the second half of the nineteenth century who attributed a national meaning to the Union of Brest.

Describing the union as a conflict not within one nation but between two nations, they challenged the Polish notion of the nation and emancipated themselves from Polish national narratives. Such ethno-confessional concepts of the nation did not take hold in Polish histori- ography until the end of the nineteenth century. Although the professionalization of historiography led to more differentiated views of the church union, national interpretations prevailed until the First World War.

Although most Polish historians perceived the union as a victory for the Catholic Church and acknowledged its missionary achievements, many were convinced that the Polish nation had missed a unique chance to resolve its various internal conflicts.

The majority of Ruthenian historians endorsed the religious idea of the church union. Protests against Catholicization were mostly restricted to the radical Russophiles or the anticlerical Ukrainophile intelligentsia. For Ruthenian authors, the union preserved important national peculiarities of the Ruthenian church, such as the Byzantine rite, and was intended to protect them from Polish Latinization efforts.

Thus the union was more likely to be viewed as part and parcel of the general anti-Polish myth of oppression and foreign rule. This tendency could not be mitigated by the more conciliatory narratives of higher Greek Catholic clergy. Ruthenian criticism of Polish behaviour manifested itself in two major accusa- tions. Firstly, the Ruthenian authors claimed that the Poles never recognized the Uniates as full Catholics and misused the church union as a starting point for further Latinization and Polonization efforts aimed at completely denationalizing the Ruthenian population.

Secondly, they were convinced that the Poles deliber- ately prevented the union from spreading throughout Ruthenian territory, because their aim was splitting and weakening the Ruthenians in order to retain control over them. Thus negative evaluations of the Union of Brest prevailed in both the Polish and the Ruthenian national narratives. These rather pessimistic viewpoints were not conducive to the promotion of the union as a popular national myth and historical lieu de memoire.

Consequently celebrations on the occasion of the tercentenary of the Union of Brest in were mostly religiously motivated and had little chance of mobilizing the national masses. Clerics and Laymen in the History of Modern Standard Ukrainian Michael Moser Two Questionable Elements of the Master Narrative Virtually all extant textbooks on the history of the Ukrainian language have forged a master narrative suggesting that up to the s' the building of the Modern Standard Ukrainian language henceforth MSU on the basis of the vernacular was a process that took place almost exclusively in the Russian Empire and in a secular setting.

Both of these suggestions should be questioned, as the following contextu- alized discussion of four fragments of Ukrainian texts from the second half of the 1 s shall demonstrate. Orthodox laymen in the Russian Empire in fact took a leading role in the build- ing of MSU in both the secular and the religious sphere.

Yet some clerics of the Russian Orthodox Church also had a modest share in the religious context. In Galicia Greek Catholic clerics virtually constituted the only Ruthenian intellectual elite of the time, and quite a few of them, contrary to the master narrative, attempt- ed to establish a Galician variety of MSU in the religious and secular spheres.

Finally, a handful of prominent lay intellectuals of Galicia also played a certain role in the process of language building at the earliest stage of the Ruthenian national movement.

This was the time when Taras Sevcenko entered the scene and when the clandestine Cyrillo- Methodian Brotherhood evolved and was uncovered. All of the texts analysed in this paper were written or published in the s. Personal names and bibliographic titles in this article are transliterated according to the Inter- national Linguistic System. The Bukovynians joined the Galicians in their efforts only in the last decades of the nineteenth century, while the Transcarpathians stayed apart until the interwar period.

His Ukrainian works typically have a secular village setting. Taras Sevcenko, whose oeuvre was beyond doubt a true milestone in the history of MSU, was born into a serf family in Right-Bank Ukraine.

He learned to read and write from a church precentor, and during his childhood he occasionally read from the Bible at funerals instead of the precentor. Consequently Sevcenko was intensely exposed to the Church Slavonic language. He was delivered from serfdom in thanks to his outstanding talent as a painter, and in the following years he estab- lished his fame as a writer, also mostly in a secular setting Antokhii et al Kostomarov led the life of a secular intellectual, and he earned his reputation above all as a historian — for some time he was a renowned professor of Russian history in St.

Petersburg — but also as a writer and journalist. Kostomarov authored the pro- grammatic texts of the Cyrillo-Methodian Brotherhood, in particular the so-called Books of the Genesis of the Ukrainian People. Whereas he wrote most of his theoretical and political studies in Russian, he composed this work, which dates Clerics and Laymen in the History of Modern Standard Ukrainian 43 from late and early but was not published until the twentieth century, in Ukrainian.

BoeaHHTj ecxb Borx. Cf the footnote above. Without the original text 1 cannot decipher them. The facsimile fragment was published in Kostomarov a, The text there is based on an orthography largely adapted to MSU. Some of these features might have been removed if the work had been prepared for publication, yet inconsistent forms such as these are quite typical of many printed Ukrainian texts of the time.

Apart from that, we find some other forms deviating from MSU, e. Some deviations might result from the conservative orthography and some inconsisten- cies with regard to diacritics: cf. West Slavic vb vbsexh : cf also Russian eo ecex [ He carefully studied older Ukrainian texts as a historian, but the language of his literary works primarily reflects the vernacular of his time and the language of Ukrainian folk songs.

Apart from the conservative orthography, relics of older stages of written Ruthenian traditions do not play an important role. Much greater importance for the history of MSU can be ascribed to another member of the Cyrillo-Methodian Brotherhood, whom at least non-Soviet scholars have rightly included in the Ukrainian master narrative: Pantelejmon Kulis. He was bom into an impoverished Cossack-gentry family and worked as a writer, historian, folklorist, translator, and for some time as a tsarist official in Russian-occupied Poland.

Unfortunately these other fragments are at that point available to me only in versions with an adapted orthography, and the adaption in fact reaches beyond orthography. In our context it is most important that it was Kulis, a layman, who prepared the first full modern Ukrainian translation of the Bible see Luckyj But this happened only in the late s.

Kulis, however, worked together with the Galician Ukrainian Ivan Puljuj, an internationally recognized physicist who contacted Kulis while studying theology in Vienna.

Moracevs'kyj worked as a teacher of mathematics, logic, and Russian literature, and he was a school inspector in various regions of Ukraine, including in the towns of Sumy, Lutsk, Kamianets- Podilskyi, and Nizhyn. In the early s he had several poems published in Ukrainian. But the dictionary was not published. By the end of Moracevs'kyj had translated the four Gospels into Ukrainian; subsequently he also translated the Acts of the Apostles, the Apocalypse, and the Psalms; and he also wrote a textbook about biblical motifs for elementary schools.

It is true that virtually all major figures in the earlier development of MSU in the Russian Empire up to the turn of the twentieth century were laymen, including even those who organized the translation of religious books and such later anti- clerical figures as Myxajlo Drahomanov.

This can at least partly be explained by the persecution of the Uniate Greek Catholic Church in the Russian Empire and its abolition there in From that time on, the Russian Orthodox hierarchy also tried to expunge the use of the Ukrainian pronunciation of Church Slavonic on Myslavs'kyj, see Archaimbault and Wakou- lenko , The most outstanding example is Vasyf Hreculevyc. The son of an Orthodox priest in Podillia, he studied theology in St. Petersburg and worked there as a teacher. Orthodox priest, and archimandrite before returning to Ukraine in 1 as Bishop Vitalij of Ostrih.

From to his death in he was the Orthodox bishop of Mahiliou and Mstsi- slau in Belarus'. Petersburg in 1 see Hreculevyc His book of sermons became so popular that a second edition, prepared by Pantelejmon Kulis see EUU, s. In another religious work by Hreculevyc, a catechetical study, was published in Ukrainian Hreculevyc 1 Why did Hreculevyc become the exception to the rule? One answer is provided in the following fragments of the Russian-language preface dated 9 December 1 to his collection of sermons.

Though he does not name him, Hreculevyc ex- plains there why his collection is addressed to Hedeon Vysnevs'kyj, who directed the Podillian Theological Seminary where Hreculevyc later studied from and became the Orthodox bishop of Poltava in Taicb jikx. Mbi He 6orbi H He anrojiH [sic], a. Hreculevyc , 1 and The published title of the sermon is in Russian, but already the formula Bo umh Omifa u China u Cenmoeo flyxa shows a sign of a switch to Ukrainian because of -oeo in Cenmoeo instead of the Church Slavonic and pre-revolutionary Russian written form -aeo.

Like many of his contemporaries, including Seveenko, Hreculevyc uses the Russian alphabet to render Ukrainian phonology. Despite widespread myths, this works quite well if one simply applies the rules of Ukrainian, and not Russian, phonology while reading out loud: e. Elsewhere he writes eo where in MSU we would expect y, e. However, as with Kostomarov, eo might have served as a tradition-based spelling for a variant of the preposition with a syllabic value cf.

It applies even more so to some Church Slavonic elements, which are, however, partly Ukrainianized; e. At the syntactic level, the frequent use of no with the dative case, which is often interpreted as a loan from Russian, is worth mentioning. It is striking that in his preface Hreculevyc does not refer at all to the rich early modern Ruthenian traditions in the fields of homiletics and catechization. Moreover, one should not overlook the fact that Hreculevyc was bom in and his native Podillia region was integrated into the Russian Empire only two years later, in It was obviously not only the tsarist prohibition of publications in Ukrainian in 1 and again in 1 the Ems ukase that caused the role of clerics in the history of the Ukrainian language to remain very modest in the Russian Empire until the revolution of Yet their share in the fostering of Ukrainian changed sig- nificantly with the cancellation of the bans, with the rise of the Ukrainian Auto- cephalous Orthodox Church, and with the appearance of leading Ukrainian clerical figures such as Ivan Ohijenko.

Greek Catholic Clerics as Ukrainian Language and Nation Builders During the past decade, 1 have challenged some traditional canonic views in Ukrainian linguistic historiography by demonstrating that the developments in Galicia were different from those in the Russian Empire in very many ways and Clerics and Laymen in the History of Modem Standard Ukrainian 51 were no less important see Moser The Galicians were perfectly aware of the achievements of Ukrainian language construction in the Russian Empire.

Yet the Galicians usually had quite different intentions than their brethren in the Russian Empire: they composed primarily texts of very different sorts both due to their inclinations and to the demands of their Greek Catholic clerical and Austrian imperial context. It thus comes as no surprise that their language was usually based on different foundations than that of the Little Russian authors, and not only in terms of dialectal distinctions.

In this respect he remained a pioneer for several decades. Mohyl'nyc'kyj based a great deal of his scholarly insights and Ruthenian consciousness on his study of early modern traditions of written culture.

Mohyl'nyc'kyj argued that Church Slavonic was perfectly understandable to the Greek Catholic public — which is highly doubtful, and Mohyl'nyc'kyj was certainly aware of that — and he also maintained that Ruthenian was an independent language with regard to the Slavic languages with which it was time and again lumped together — Church Slavonic, Russian, and Polish see Harasevyc , Like Mohyl'nyc'kyj, his followers in Peremyshl Eparchy still do not have the place they deserve in the history of MSU.

The master narrative still tells us a story about so-called jazycije, a backward mixture of Church Slavonic, Russian, Polish, and local linguistic elements. Jazycije allegedly predominated across Galician Ruthenian written culture, except in the works of the heroized Ruthenian Triad and their literary miscellany Rusalka Dnistrovaja Buda, But the master narrative is not at all convincing: the Galician Greek Catholic clerics not only wrote pastoral works see Moser but also composed classical high-style texts such as odes to Greek Catholic hierarchs and hymns in a language that was often clearly based on the vernacular e.

Moreover, quite early on Greek Catholic lower clergy of Peremyshl and Lviv Eparchies began using virtually the same language for secular works of various genres: translations of poems by Goethe and Schiller Josyf Levyc'kyj , their own secular poems Markijan Saskevyc , folklore studies Josyf Lozyns'kyj , farming manuals Josafat Kobryns'kyj , and so on see Moser a.

In the course of the Revolution of Galician Greek Catholic clerics got increasingly involved in questions of secular politics, and most of them maintained their orientation toward using the vernacular until the spread of Russophilism in Galicia during the s.

It is true that religious matters also played quite an important role in the Gali- cian process of language construction: Rev. Markijan Saskevyc was the first person to work on a translation of the Gospels into MSU, but he and other Greek Catholic clerics in Galicia, unlike their Orthodox brethren in the Russian Empire, also contributed much to the forging of a written Ukrainian language for secular topics.

Kobryns'kyj; cf Wendland , Although Kobryns'kyj is said to have been a Russophile Wendland , , he wrote all of his works of the Vormarz period in a language that is clearly based on the Clerics and Laymen in the History of Modern Standard Ukrainian 53 vernacular.

Although it thus looks very old-fashioned, it is not. Nevertheless this language is quite consistently based on the vernacular, it is beyond a doubt suitable for use in writing, and it may be regarded as a quite successful example of how a Galician variety of MSU would look.

For merely traditional reasons, past preterital participles show the spelling -hh- in accordance with Mele- tian Church Slavonic traditions, e. As usual, they did so not only for the sake of the text. Both prefixes reveal the metathesis as it is known from the Church Slavonic traditions, but in both forms we are dealing with Polonisms. In his tobacco manual Ko- bryns'kyj anticipated an approach toward the language question in Galicia that proved to be typical in the following decades.

Even the most ardent Galician Russophile clerics of the second half of the nineteenth century, such as Ivan Naumovyc, wrote their farming manuals in the vernacular not only because farming was probably the sphere where the vernacular could most easily be used quite consistently, but also because it was the vernacular — and no high language whatso- ever — with which they could best reach commoners see Moser By doing so, the Greek Catholic clerics actively worked on forging a language with all modern standard qualities.

Moreover, Greek Catholic clerics and not only of the Ruthenian Triad sent out national messages. Along with that, in their panegyrical poems for Greek Catholic bishops the priestly poets often created a relationship between the bishops and the Ruthenian nation.

To6oBb cayHenHa uxt ayiua. He was also the first and initially, isolated prominent Galician Russophile and played no role in the Ruthenian movement at least as far as questions of the elaboration of MSU are concerned. Another representative of the few secular intellectuals is of much greater significance in our context, namely Ivan Holovac'kyj, the brother of the much better-known Slavist Jakiv Holovac'kyj.

Ivan was a prototypical example of the early Galician Ruthenian secular intellectu- als inasmuch as, though he was not a priest, his father was. As a student of medicine in Vienna, Ivan contributed much to the organized Galician Ruthenian cultural and literary efforts in the imperial capital.

Like many of his Galician contemporaries, including his brother, Ivan Holovac'kyj became a Russophile around 1 , and later he became the first instructor of Russian at the Institute for Slavic Studies at the University of Vienna see Moser a, The miscellany was meant to be not only a symbol of the vitality of the Ruthenian language and culture.

The income from sales of it was earmarked for aiding the victims of the floods of that had inundated so many places in Galicia. Apart from some markers that are not encountered in all other Galician Ruthenian texts of the time, such as o after the sibilant in naiuofo, po3- and not pas- in na poscemmih cf.

The form eao is widespread in most Galician Ukrainian dialects. Therefore we have no reason to assume that it stands for uoao. Some lexemes used in the text are typically Western Ukrainian or Galician too, e. Of interest also are the shortened forms of the reflexive particle, such as iiymmo cb because they are not at all typical of Galicia. Notably, they are likely to have been inspired by Ukrainian texts from the Russian Empire.

In fact certainly not all deviations from MSU occur only due to linguistic conservatism. Zelexivs'kyj's two-volume dictionary has only the entries napicnib and napiemoK derived from napicnib. What is much more interesting is the fact that non-vernacular high- style forms — all of them backed by Russian forms of the time — occur in a condensed form precisely at the point where the national message of the text is most strongly emphasized.

Conclusions It need not be questioned that laymen from the Russian Empire took a leading part in the earlier phase of constructing MSU. But laymen in the Russian Empire were not the only protagonists in the history of MSU, and their achievements have sometimes been exaggerated on the basis of manipulated editions.

Galician laymen were scantly represented among the Ruthenian intellectual elite until the s, and most often they were in fact still the sons of priests. Altogether, their contribution to the elaboration of MSU does not significantly differ from that of the Galician clerics in the first decades of the nineteenth century.

In Galicia the national question was of course also sacralized, in terms both of contents and language. The clerics there were also influenced by the spirit of the time, according to which nationalism was understood as an emancipatory project that would lead to the democratization of society and its public discourse. Bibliography Antokhi i, M[yroslav]. Darewych, M[arko]. Stech, and D[anylo] H[usar]. Archaimbault, S. Wakoulenko [Vakulenko]. Pidkova and R. Volodymyr Kubijovyc vols. Toronto, Volodymyr Kubijovyc.

Harasevyc, Myxajlo [Harasiewicz, Michael]. Annales ecclesiae ruthenae, gratiam et communionem cum s. Sede Romana habentis, ritumque Graeco-Slavicum observantis, cum singulari respectu ad dioeceses ruthenas Leopoliensem, Premisliensem et Chelmensem.

Leopoli [Lviv]. Holovac'kyJ, Ivan. E ojioeaiiKiu. Uacnib nepecm. Hreculevyc, Vasyl'. MaiopoccuiicKOMb fisbiKm. Hosted by the Canadian Institute of Ukrainian Studies. Kobryns'kyJ, Josafat.

Kyiv, Koshelivets, Ivan. Levyc'kyj, Josyf. Luckyj, George. Also in Moser , Hoea cepin Michael Moser. Geburtstag, Vinnytsia, Michael Moser and Andras Zoltan. Taras Sevcenko und die moderne ukrainische Schriftsprache: Versuch einer Wurdigiing.

Andreas Kappeler. Shevelov aiis Anlass seines Geburtstages und Todestages, — Andrij Danylenko and Serhij Vakulenko. Munich and Berlin. Nimcuk, Vasyl'. Petrenko, P. Rieselbach, von. Wien mit von Kurzbeckischen Schriften.

Verfafit vom k. Vienna, Vulpius, Ricarda. National isierung der Religion: Russifizierungspolitik und ukrainische Nationsbildimg Wendland, Anna Veronika. Zhukovsky, A[rkadii]. In the weeks after 7 September , not only the Jewish community of Lviv German: Lemberg but also the Jewish public in Europe was in a state of shock.

By invitation of the enlightened members of the board of the Jew- ish community in , Kohn had become the first modern preacher not only in li Lviv but in all of Galicia, if we ignore the not very successful attempts of Joseph I Perl in Ternopil a few years earlier. During his short tenure of only i four years, he had introduced — in co-operation with the board — major innovations. I They were moderate from a German perspective, but in the Galician context they j were nearly revolutionary.

During the second half of the eighteenth century, the Haskalah, the Jewish en- 1 lightenment movement, emerged in Germany to reconcile science and rationalism with Judaism. That program was considered a prerequisite for Jewish-Gentile rap- j prochement. The Maskilim, the Jewish Enlighteners, regarded adapting Jewish life! Their aim was I usually acculturation, not assimilation into civil society.

Thus, the followers of the Haskalah propagated the abandonment of certain typical features of ghetto life, j such as traditional Jewish garb and Yiddish as the vernacular, replacing the latter I with the language of the country, i. The acquisition and dissemination j of secular knowledge was one of the main goals of the Haskalah program, which j portended a renunciation of the traditional dominance of religious education, i; German Jews increasingly attended public schools or established their own modern educational institutions, where secular knowledge was imparted and the teaching of!

Religion no longer! Instead it became just a part of it, and it grew increasingly less important for most of the Jewish population during the nineteenth century. While the laity initiated such reforms, younger rabbis, already educated in the spirit of times, soon furthered the goal of purifying religion. Following the example of the Protestant churches, Jewish religious reformers aimed at modernization through the aestheti- cization of the synagogue service.

Those changes encompassed the introduction of synagogue ordinances, choirs, sermons in German, clerical garb for rabbis and preachers, organ accompaniment at least in part , abridgement of the prayer book, and the abandonment of certain customs that were regarded as outmoded or not compatible with modern times.

In the course of these reforms, a new type of rabbi emerged: he combined Jewish learning with a thoroughly secular education. The modern German rabbi was now less engaged in ritual and was more involved in homiletics, communal representation, scholarship, education, and philanthropy. Once primarily interpreters of the religious law Halakha , the rabbis who exempli- fied German-Jewish modernity — even from the neo-orthodox spectrum — now regarded themselves as preachers, teachers, pastors, and ethical models.

Quite soon a university education and a doctorate became commonplace for all German rabbis, regardless of which current of Judaism they championed. Even though the emergence of the mystic-spiritual movement of Hasidism pro- voked a schism within Judaism, both the Hasidim and their opponents, the Mitnag- dim, remained faithful to a traditional way of life, which meant avoidance of cultural contacts with Gentile society. Werner E. Elul oder September zu Berlin. Zunz, vol. Julius Carlebach Berlin, , 22; and Michael A.

Isadore Twersky Cambridge, MA. Rabbis as Agents of Modernization in Ukraine 65 of the Haskalah in Germany can the first signs of an emerging Jewish enlighten-! These new ideas were generally transferred to the east by Jews from Galicia who had come to Germany for business or scholarly reasons.

Since about the early s, East European communities with an enlightened I agenda engaged, or at least tried to engage, a modern, usually German, rabbi or preacher. He was expected to fulfill the task of modernizing Jewish life in accord- ance with the requirements of Haskalah.

Of particular yet not sole importance for! The tragic fate of Abraham Kohn in Lviv therefore raises a ' more general question: did rabbis in what is today Ukraine effectively act as agents! One of the most important religious inno- i vations was the introduction of modern sermons in German aimed at enlightening [ and edifying the congregation. So large did the German-Jewish model of enlight- ij enment, the Haskalah, loom that not only rabbis with German backgrounds used ; the language of Moses Mendelssohn in their sermons.

So did the first generation of j modern rabbis in Eastern Europe. The consequences were considerable. While this I innovation was meant to renew the religious spirit and attract a younger generation i!

Jacob Katz New York. But in the s, s, and early s German was not less tolerable than Russian and Polish, So-called crown official rabbis had to prove competence in Russian, Polish, or German. But in Odesa, one of the most important centres of the Haskalah in the Russian Empire, the German rabbi Schwabacher came under severe criticism as early as for delivering sermons in German rather than in Russian.

His adversaries within the Jewish community were also enlightened, but they preferred Russian as a medium of acculturation within the empire. The solution was the hiring of a modern assistant rabbi, who was obliged to preach in Russian every now and then. Pesker acknowledged that sermons in Russian had been introduced only in those communities where enough Jews were enlightened and longed for religious discourse in the synagogue.

Pesker insisted upon the necessity of the widespread introduction of Russian sermons. Petra Ernst and Gerald Lamprecht Innsbruck, , The crown rabbis who could prove they knew one of the three languages mentioned above were consequently able to administer metrical books in accordance with official imperial requirements.

But because quite often they did not have the necessary religious learning to act as rabbis, the Jewish communities also engaged spiritual rabbis to perform all religious duties. Nevertheless the generalization that all official rabbis in the Russian Empire were not accepted by their communities as religious leaders is wrong.

Especially in the Southwestern Land i. Simon Dnbnow Institute Yearbook 2 : Rabbis as Agents of Modernization in Ukraine 67 and would also effectively combat anti-Jewish prejudices in the general population.

His sermons could not be labelled as purely spiritual; they dealt also with social problems on the local and general levels. From the s, especially in the Southwestern Land of the Russian Empire, the modern sermon increasingly became a medium of re-nationalization and displayed a clearly secular signature.

Zionist rabbis and preachers emerged. The Zionist movement was essentially secular — an expression of ethnic nationalism rather than a religious phenomenon. The new generation of rabbis combined both styles of Zionism, and in the southern parts of the empire they not only propagated nation- alist views within their community but also tried to revive Judaic observance. One such exemplar was Petr Yampolsky [?

Pesker, Poucheniia i rechi, proiznesennyia v sinagogakh i inolitvennykh domakh g. Kherson, , iii-iv. Natan M. A Histoiy, Bloomington, , Shmarya Levin, The Arena London, At the same time, modem sermons were the medium enlightened rabbis used to convey certain ideas to their congregations, be it integration, acculturation, secular education, philanthropy, or Jewish nationalism. But the role of modem sermons in Eastern Galicia and the Southwestern Land should not be overestimated.

They appealed to an already acculturated urban elite, which was usually quite acquainted with the enlightened topics being preached. Most traditional Jews, who might otherwise have been the main recipients of those sermons, were unwilling to attend services that featured homiletics delivered in a non-Jewish language.

That reluctance undoubtedly limited the impact of the modem sermons and the role of enlightened rabbis and preachers as agents of modernization. Liturgical Reforms and the Aestheticization of the Synagogue Service. The synagogue or beth ha-knesseth was originally a gathering place where sacred and profane activities intermingled. But from the first half of the nineteenth century German-Jewish reformers wanted to transform the synagogue into a purely religious place of solemn and aesthetically appealing worship.

To achieve this goal the reformers introduced rules that stipulated an appropriate behaviour in synagogues. To achieve the goal of beautifying the service. Rabbi Abraham Kohn, who then served as chief rabbi of Hohenems and Vorarlberg Austria , was engaged as the German-language preacher.

Kohn im- mediately began reforming the synagogue service in a modest fashion according to the German-Jewish model, mainly by forbidding any noise or movement during the service.

While all major innovations had already been initiated before his tenure, he was no doubt the main protagonist who completed many of them; and he sometimes went beyond them. He certainly hoped that a model service in Lviv might trigger liturgical reforms elsewhere in Galicia. Meyer, "How awesome is this place! Steven J. Grill, "Die Einfuhrung moderner Predigten.

Rabbis as Agents of Modernization in Ukraine 69 really wanted to act as a cultural agent of religious modernization. But the high expectations that he and other enlightened Jews harboured were not fulfilled.

Only a few larger towns and cities followed the example of Lviv, where Kohn was murdered after four years in office, presumably by a traditional Jew offended by the I reforms.

Also discarded were the piyyiitim. A newly hired cantor, Nissan j Blumenthal, led the choir. In , when a rabbi from Munich, Dr. Max Lilienthal , visited the Pale! Lilienthal in his spiritual dress attended the devotional exercises in the newly erected synagogue, where the more enlightened of our community have introduced l an orderly choir-accompanied service.

This kind of service reminded Mr. Lilienthal of his beloved home country, where such improvements are no longer innovations. J And with real edification and very sweet feelings, he stood there listening with I fervent devotion to the truly uplifting melodies of our unique cantor, Blumen- j thal.

We and also the other communities in Russia are indebted to him that j an exemplary order was introduced in the service. A choir I was established under the direction of Cantor Abraz. Miisica Judaica 16 : Razsvet: Organ russkikh evreev, no. Simon Schwabacher became crown rabbi of Odesa in , he did not settle in a community devoid of liturgical reforms, especially the aesthetic elevation of the synagogue service.

On the contrary, he encountered probably the most enlightened Jewish community in the entire Russian Empire. Nevertheless the refined synagogue service in Odesa could not fully satisfy the new rabbi. Above all he urged worshippers to be quieter. Schwabacher has assumed the office of rabbi and preacher in our community, it has adopted a totally different character.

Only with the beginning of his activities we have entered the real sphere of religious progress No longer is the festive quiet of the magnificent sanctuary desecrated by private conversations.

And non-Jews, who used to go to the synagogue in search of an occasion for hilarity, now find in its walls an edifying consecration they can only respect. Was it Schwabacher or Blumenthal, or both of them and perhaps enlightened community members as well? A definite answer is probably impossible, which means that quite often many factors and actors could have been responsible for the adoption of a cultural pattern.

See Nedelnaia khronika voskhoda, , no. Zipperstein, The Jews of Odessa. An interesting example in this regard is Kyiv and its enlightened crown rabbi Tsukkerman. See Meir, Kiev, 86, 92, Rabbis as Agents of Modernization in Ukraine 71 Circumcision. Since the s reform-oriented German rabbis and Jewish physicians had discussed the necessity to alter the brith milah in order to avoid the danger of infection.

But his warning no doubt also reflected his own attitude. He added a reference to the Talmud in arguing that in ancient times the ' mohel was a physician. Therefore he suggested that circumcisers be I subjected to medical police control and that they always be assisted by a physician.